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The first image, which is painted by the demographers, sociologists and anthropologists, implies that the lower status of the Muslim women is part of the explanation of high fertility in most of the Muslim countries. The relation between lower status and high fertility is believed to operate in two mutually reinforcing ways (Obermyer, 1992): first lower status means restricted access to education and employment; and second, a woman's economic dependence puts her in an insecure position, making the threat of divorce and polygamy more menacing. These, thus, limit her choices with regard to childbearing because the one chance to improve her bargaining power and to insure against risk of divorce is to produce sons whom she can influence and rely on for support.

The second image of the Muslim woman is that painted by the theologians. Omran (1992), argues that the status of women in Islam is seriously misunderstood for many reasons. It is wrongly implied, he observes, when the behaviour of individual Muslims and Muslim communities are interpreted as reflecting the tenets of Islam. This is further compounded by misconceptions about the status of women in Islam based on the gross abuse of Islamic laws among some ignorant Muslim groups. In addition, most of the Muslim communities exist in the Third World which is associated with the low status of women.

Obermyer (1994) argues that there are aspects of Islamic doctrine that could be used to reinforce the case for women's autonomy and equality, which have received a great deal less attention than the aspects of the doctrine which tend to promote inequality. The author maintains that many Muslims believe that statements in the scriptures that stress equality of believers before God are the authentic message of Islam, while those suggesting discrimination against women are merely reflections of the temporal conditions in which the religion developed, and a distortion of its inherent egalitarianism.

CULTURAL CONTEXT OF REPRODUCTIVE CHOICE
Many researchers have made efforts to link human rights and reproductive health (Freedman and Isaacs, 1993; Cook, 1993). The idea of reproductive choice has become the focus of systematic elaborations based on legal and ethical principles. One of the central elements that define reproductive choice is autonomy, which means that a woman can make decisions in matters of reproduction and that she has access to the information and services that can make her choice an reality.

Islamic laws are often seen as incompatible with international human rights (Obermyer, 1994, 1992). However, some Muslim authors retort that the standards governing rights and choice as defined by the West are contrary to Islam (Omran, 1992). They maintain that certain infringements on women's freedoms are mandated by Islam. However, applying the criteria derived from international conferences to the analysis of reproductive choice in Islam is difficult, because of the existing differences in views on the relationship between Islam and women's status (Obermyer, 1994).

Ahmed (1992) argues that there is a basically egalitarian ethos in Islam that was distorted by patriarchal forces. In his view, the religious texts can and should be interpreted in a more egalitarian manner. This perspective would be in harmony with the Western notion of women's reproductive choice. Obermyer (1994) supports this notion and argues, further, that there are several aspects of Islamic doctrine that are clearly compatible with such an interpretation. She notes that a number of statements in the scriptures stress the idea that God does not wish to burden the followers, and suggest that quality is as important as quantity in child bearing. In addition, a generally positive attitude exists toward sex in marriage in the Islamic context, as does a clear recognition of woman's right to sexual enjoyment.

Obermyer (1994) examined two case studies that represent interesting links between state goals, gender issues, and reproduction. The first is Tunisia, where the state carried out pervasive reforms to improve both women's status and reproductive choice without violation of the Islamic tradition. The second case is that of Iran, where successive regimes have implemented contrasting policies that have had a direct impact on women and reproduction, and where issues related to women have been affected by political struggles at local, national, and international levels. She concludes that the constraints on reproductive choice are a function of state politics rather than a reflection of religious doctrine, and that leaders do, in fact, use Islam to justify divergent positions on gender and reproduction. She states that:

"Like other religious doctrines, Islam has been used to legitimise conflicting positions on gender and reproductive choice. The ways in which the ethical code of the religion is translated into policies affecting women's status have been a function of the ideology of groups in power and have been influenced by changes in the economic, political, and social spheres." (p:49)

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